Britain Has Entered a New Political Era — Post Election Analysis by Nick Griffin

So the election dust has now settled, and from our point of view there are four key outcomes:

First, the resulting hung Parliament and political instability will rapidly add to Gordon Brown’s economic disaster. The Bank of England prediction that whoever won this election will end up being “out of power for a generation” is now going to apply to two of the three old parties. That’s bad news for Britain, but good news for us.

Second, although many people were initially disappointed that the enormously sympathetic response (yes, don’t worry; it wasn’t just you, it had me going too!) we received from the public during the campaign did not translate into huge votes, the fact remains that this was the best general election result in the history of British nationalism. The headline figures tell us what we need to know:

* Total votes cast 563,743. This compares with 192,746 votes secured by the BNP in 117 seats in 2005. The nearest comparison historically is with 1979, when the National Front fought the now easily broken record of 303 seats, from which it garnered a feeble 191,719 votes

* There were a record number of deposits saved. This would undoubtedly have been even higher were it not for us missing out on crossing this important threshold in a number of seats by the votes that were undoubtedly lost in each constituency thanks to the confusion and concern caused by the unforgiveable sabotage of our website.

* The 6,620 votes I secured in Barking is the highest number ever cast for a BNP (or in fact for any British nationalist party) candidate in a general election.

* BNP candidates beat UKIP in the majority of seats where we went head-to-head — despite their party having vastly more money and receiving relentless media puffs. And we positively slaughtered the Greens.

Third, our frankly shocking wipe-out from Barking & Dagenham council is, when we look at the facts, not some terrible indictment of our councillors or leadership, but simply the result of a paradigm shift in the quality of Labour’s election-winning machine.

Four years ago, the British National Party, Respect and the Christian People’s Alliance between us dealt a series of shattering blows to Labour, particularly in Barking & Dagenham, Stoke, Tower Hamlets and Newham.

Rather than losing heart and wasting time blaming each other, Labour took this as a wakeup call and set about improving their election machine.

Opposition plants, sacked and bitter incompetents and ambitious knaves may use such moments to try to advance their own personal agendas, but looking for better ways to do things next time is what mature parties with real ambitions do.

Last year I wrote that Labour’s use against us of state-of-the-art US techniques imported by Obama’s Blue State Digital team was only a trial run, and that the real target in the long term was the Tory party.

Some people may not have believed me then, but look at what Labour just achieved by rolling out BSD’s potent mix of targeted voter contact, sophisticated data basing and the ruthless use of deceit and lies to sway vulnerable voters.

It didn’t just knock us out in Barking & Dagenham and take 10 of Respect’s 11 seats in Tower Hamlets, but it also eliminated all opposition on Newham council, wiping out Respect and turning a confident Christian People’s Alliance challenge into the loss of all three of their existing seats.

Despite Blair, despite Brown, the strong local challenges of three radical alternative parties have been crushed, leaving the whole of East London, from the edge of the City right out to the horsey fields of Essex, a Labour one party state.

The same tactics were also rolled out against the Tories and Lib Dems in other key areas, with the result that Labour, despite losing heavily in the general election, walked back into control of no fewer than 14 major councils up and down the country.

I am not saying that our inability to stand up to the Labour steamroller is not in part our own fault — of course it is. Our elections department did rest on its four- or five- year-old laurels, despite our failure to win a by-election for more than two years.

Personally I should have acted quicker to reinvigorate that side of the party — putting Clive Jefferson in charge with the brief to bring his innovative approach to wooing and securing the postal vote (the advance he pioneered that undoubtedly won us our two northern Euro seats last year) was something I should have done earlier.

But there’s no use crying over spilt milk or beating ourselves up over our failure to stand up to Labour’s brilliantly effective new techniques.

Rather, we must learn from the scientifically applied beating we’ve just received, and equip ourselves to hand out the same to our opponents in future.

I’m looking forward to that, and I know that it can and will be done.

The fourth and final point is that we have just seen the last first-past-the-post major election contest in British history.

Apart from local council elections, which may continue to be held on the old basis for some time yet, first-past-the-post is finished; Britain has entered a new political era.

Next year we have the Welsh Assembly and Scottish Parliamentary elections — proportional representation (PR) contests in which we can win (we only missed out winning last time around in Wales by a few thousand votes, and our Welsh results last week all showed further clear improvements).

In two years’ time we have another round of Greater London Assembly elections — a PR contest in which we have already shown we can win.

Just two years after that we’ll be back contesting the European elections, defending our two seats and aiming to win more.

And probably even before then, we’ll be facing another general election. That too will almost certainly be fought with a PR system.

If a pure one were to be adopted, last week’s showing would give us twelve MPs, which would compare well with UKIP’s twenty and the Greens’ six.

In fact, the Powers-That-Be will probably plump for a less fair system, but even the worst one possible is likely to lower the threshold for victory from the present mountain of about 36 percent down to a relative molehill of 15 percent. I know which target I’d rather have to reach.

Even more worrying for Labour and their hate-filled far-left mercenaries, the voter targeting they have now mastered in local elections is many times harder to roll out in the much larger constituencies that have to be used to make PR work.

We can, and will, learn ways to use techniques such as mass telephone contacts to boost and then mobilise our core vote in those future contests, but they are far harder to apply in the negative way we’ve just seen rough us up so effectively at local level.

With all major elections from now on therefore inevitably scheduled to involve PR, our opponents have just one year in which to break the British National Party.

Make no mistake, the forces of political hell are about to be unleashed on us. ‘Operation Total Destruction of the BNP’ is being rolled out right now.

You can see it in the fake emails supposedly from me and our London organiser, the brave Bob Bailey, in which we attack each other. Disastrous news — if it were only true, but fortunately it’s not. And it would take much more than bogus emails to break the trust that people like Bob and I have in each other.

You’ll hear it in the disgusting accusations of fraud, theft and all sorts of horror stories that are already being hawked around by various Searchlight and direct state assets who have burrowed into the party over the years.

Their previous subtle negativity, ‘misjudgements’ and minor acts of ‘accidental’ disruption are now being replaced by outright lies and sabotage in a last desperate throw of the dice to break our party before it’s too late.

Again, if their tales were true, it would be a disgrace, but fortunately they are not.

Old hands have seen it before, of course, back in 1979. And that’s the real good news, because enough of us know what we will now have to face together to be able to guide our party through this treacherous passage of stormy and rocky waters.

The would-be wreckers, waving their fake lighthouse lanterns from various deadly cliffs, will get short shrift from us.

Those who offer easy routes to victory, or who whisper poison against colleagues but who publicly profess loyalty or ‘concern for the party’, should be called to account at every turn.

If you hear anything that sounds too bad to be true about the people who have transformed this party thus far, and who united will do even more good, then understand that it probably isn’t true.

New readers might at this point be thinking, “what’s going on here, surely this isn’t what happens in normal political parties?”

Well, friends new and old alike, that’s quite right. Because the BNP is NOT a “normal political party.”

In fact, in reality, we are much more than a political party, and have no desire to be like the others.

For this is not a “party”, so much as a movement — nay, the movement — of national salvation.

Without a complete change of course our entire nation and civilisation are heading for the rocks and for irrevocable disaster.

The old parties, the internationalist masters of the media, and the super rich and the banksters they all ultimately serve, are all happy with that deadly course. After all, they charted it.

So why should anyone who understands that be surprised to learn that these people — with all their money, all their greed, all their ruthlessness and all their fear of justice and the anger of a people betrayed — will use a combination of apparently ‘internal’ squabbles, wicked and baseless accusations against the innocent, and no doubt a wave of legal attacks from without, to try to drive this party to destruction over the months ahead.

They can try; they are trying — but with your loyalty and true British team spirit and dogged determination, they will fail. Our day will come — because, together, we will make it come.

British National Party


  1. Dave Tierney says

    It sounds remarkably similar to what the media and established parties did to Pauline Hanson.

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